Although most investigators and credit card fraud teams focus on minimizing cybercrime and identity theft activities launched through spam attacks, the California teams discovered a network of businesses that developed complex fulfillment systems to prevent chargebacks and to encourage repeat business.Under this model, a team of spammers could make more money over time selling many of the same goods to repeat customers than by simply selling credit card account details to fraud rings. Out of 56 completed transactions during the study, only seven of the team's orders failed to arrive.Though top rated credit cards already offer significant consumer protection, few customers feel compelled to file transaction disputes after packages arrive from fulfillment centers in India, China, and even the United States.Visa, MasterCard could team up to block spam fundingEfforts by the technical community to block consumers' access to potentially fraudulent websites have often been thwarted by a combination of hacker attacks and customer frustration. The researchers suggest that American credit card issuers could help curb the growth of spam-sending botnets by choking off the supply of cash to merchants on a "financial blacklist."The team suggested that a partnership between credit card platform providers like Visa and MasterCard could eliminate many spammers' financial incentives, just as a similar enforcement action closed off most Americans' access to illegal online gambling operation SYDNEY -(Dow Jones)- Credit Suisse said Tuesday it has hired Edward Jewell-Tait to be managing director and head of private banking in Australia. Tait is replacing Ray McGregor, who is moving to Singapore with Credit Suisse. Tait was most recently head of investment advisory and distribution at Caledonia Investments. He has also worked at Commonwealth Bank of Australia (CBA.AU) and Macquarie Group Ltd. (MQG.AU). Copyright © 2011 Dow Jones Newswires itical involvement with the paramilitary group. They also show there was a debate among Chiquita executives about whether the payments were proper. In a 1997 handwritten note, one Chiquita executive said such payments are the "cost of doing business in Colombia." "Need to keep this very confidential — people can get killed," he wrote. Chiquita, with some 21,000 employees on six continents, is best known as the top U.S. banana seller but also markets a variety of other produce and fruit-based snacks. Chiquita's sprawling banana operations in Colombia date to 1899, mostly in remote areas of Santa Marta and Uraba along the Caribbean coast. By the 1970s, the country's civil conflict threatened the banana farms, mostly fomented by the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia — known by its Spanish acronym, FARC. The guerrillas demanded payment from companies such as Chiquita or they would attack workers and operations. Chiquita paid between $20,000 and $100,000 a month, court documents show. FARC became so powerful in the banana-growing areas that Colombia's military forces could not defeat them. The group bombed Chiquita operations and kidnapped employees. In 1995, 17 banana workers were gunned down on a muddy soccer field, U.S. prosecutors said. Later that year, FARC forced 26 workers to lie in a ditch and they were shot in the head. The AUC, a Spanish acronym for the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, was founded in 1997 as an umbrella group to unite the far-right militias across the country. Those militias were formed in the 1980s by ranchers and drug traffickers to counter extortion and kidnapping by the FARC and other leftist rebels. The AUC wasted no time trying to muscle FARC out of the Chiquita money stream. Paramilitary warlords, backed by top military and political leaders, have admitted to killing more than 50,000 civilians, Colombian prosecutors said. The Chiquita lawsuit cites a number of AUC massacres, including a July 1997 operation in the town of Mapiripan in which at least 49 people were tortured, dismembered and decapitated. In February 2000, about 300 AUC troops tortured dozens of people and killed 36 people. The top AUC leader, Carlos Castano, told Chiquita executives in a meeting that the money would be used to drive out the guerrillas and protect the company's interests. For seven years, Chiquita made over 100 payments totaling $1.7 million to the AUC or affiliated organizations, according to court documents. About half that money was paid after the U.S. government, on Sept. 10, 2001, declared the AUC a foreign terrorist organization, just as FARC had been designated years earlier. That made it a crime for anyone in the U.S. to do business with either paramilitary group. Chiquita, however, said in court documents it was unaware of the AUC terrorist designation until late February 2003 — some 18 months later — even though the news in 2001 was widely reported by the media, including leading national publications in the U.S. and Colombia and newspapers in Chiquita's headquarters city of Cincinnati. The discovery, Chiquita said, was made by a company lawyer researching the AUC on the Internet. That eventually led to Chiquita's guilty plea, and in 2004 the company sold its Colombian banana operations. The lawsuits contend the AUC was able to continue its violent rampage mainly because of Chiquita's financial support. The cases are brought under the Alien Tort Statute, a 222-year-old law that allows foreigners to sue in American federal courts if their claims involve violations of U.S. treaties or the "law of nations." The ATS, as the law is known, has been used previously to bring lawsuits over human rights violations in foreign countries, but the cases are often difficult to prove. In 2007, a federal jury in Alabama ruled against